14 March 2008
America.gov interviews Ambassador Frank Wisner
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March 12, 2008
Dave McKeeby for America.gov: In the wake of Kosovo’s February 17 declaration of independence, the United States has joined many other countries in recognizing Europe’s newest nation. But others still are taking stock of the new state as it moves forward after independence.
Joining me today to talk about the future of Kosovo is Ambassador Frank G. Wisner, U.S. special envoy for Kosovo. For more than two years, he was part of the diplomatic “troika” of U.S., EU and Russian diplomats working to broker a negotiated settlement between Serbia and Kosovo officials in Priština for Kosovo’s disputed status.
A career Foreign Service officer for more than 30 years, Wisner has served as U.S. ambassador to Egypt, India, the Philippines and Zambia, as well as in senior leadership positions in both the U.S. State Department and Department of Defense. He is now vice chairman at American International Group, an insurance and financial services company operating in more than 130 countries.
Ambassador, welcome and thank you for joining us.
Ambassador Wisner: Thank you, I am pleased to be with you this morning.
America.gov: How is Kosovo progressing so far post-independence? Are countries stepping up to recognize it as fast as you expected?
Ambassador Wisner: I think it’s progressing well. First of all, internally, the country has settled down, it is taking the necessary steps to establish itself as a new state, preparing its constitution, passing the laws that will guarantee its minorities the right context for their lives inside of Kosovo, and reaching out to the international community. Kosovo has also been recognized by a number of vitally important European states, it’s been recognized internationally, there’s more to come. But I believe there’s a substantial understanding around the world, with some opposition, that the time has come to settle Kosovo’s final status and its independence is the right way to go.
America.gov: Some are saying that among those that have not recognized Kosovo yet there is this notion that the U.S. and others have “abandoned” the U.N. by supporting Kosovo's declaration of independence, when in fact; the process followed came out of the Ahtisaari plan and U.N. Security Council resolutions. Should this be a concern to states?
Ambassador Wisner: Well, clearly it’s true that there is no violation of core U.N. principles. The pursuit of Kosovo’s final status has been rooted in international legitimacy. The U.N.’s trusteeship, if you will, of Kosovo was established in [U.N. Security Council Resolution] 1244. The Security Council resolution provided for a decision on the outcome, and independence was hardly excluded. It was very much in all of our minds as we set to work.
In addition, the [U.N.] secretary-general had taken personal lead in naming Martti Ahtisaari as his representative, and his plan is at the core of the final status settlement: supervised independence for Kosovo.
Finally, everything was done that was humanly possible to secure Security Council acceptance of Kosovo. Unfortunately, last summer, Russia blocked that. Six tries to get a Security Council resolution didn’t work.
Then, we were all faced with a decision. The secretary-general said that the status quo in Kosovo could not be sustained. We tried for an additional four months to explore, on a multilateral basis -- Russia, the United States and the European Union -- to find a compromise. There was no compromise. So this outcome is the right one, and it was inevitable.
America.gov: Kosovo largely has been discussed in terms of its impact on European politics and regional security, but what does its independence mean for countries outside of Europe, particularly in the Middle East?
Ambassador Wisner: Well, I believe there are a number of important points that [affect] all nations of the world, including in its neighborhood, and particularly in the Mediterranean area, and in the Arab and Muslim worlds more broadly. Kosovo is, yes, a European matter -- Europe’s security depends on settling this, the last of the great Yugoslav breakup questions.
But beyond that, there is a principle: a people, the Kosovars, who suffered as they did with ethnic cleansing. A million people driven out of their country, tens of thousands of lives were lost, untold property damage; [Kosovars] were victims of one of the most violent and reprehensible acts in Europe’s modern history. That matter had a consequence, and that consequence is that no Kosovar Albanian is prepared -- 90 percent of the population -- is prepared to live again under foreign and Serbian rule.
Now having said that, I believe that for most of the Muslim world, it’s very important that one looks at a matter of justice. What is right: a people sought to practice its faith, the country is largely Muslim, inside a European context. To make certain that happens is in the interest of the entire world, notably in the Muslim world.
To be able to secure a Muslim-majority state inside the European whole is a terrific signal that the Muslim world and the non-Muslim word can live side by side in peace and cooperation, one with the other.
And finally, I would argue that all of us, all of us, have a strong interest in a strong United Nations. The U.N. has done its job in Kosovo and can go no further. It has asked through its secretary-general that we take the fact that his ability to continue has been exhausted. We need to respect that. We need to let the U.N. move on and not saddle it with a job that’s impossible to carry out.
America.gov: As a former ambassador to Egypt, for example, you’ve spent much time working in that corner of the world and came to know the people and the players there. Why, for example, should they care about Kosovo?
Ambassador Wisner: Well, I believe they should care about Kosovo because inherently the issue is one that needs to be settled, it is right. Egypt and many nations in its neighborhood -- and the Muslim world -- care about the United Nations, its effectiveness.
But I also believe the signal that the international community can make a difference, can settle sovereignty, has a signal inside the region, about Palestine -- the need to have an independent Palestinian state, an object of diplomacy at the moment, one that I personally care about a great deal, and the United States has come out in favor of. We need to see as many positive examples to support that quest for statehood on the table.
America.gov: Given your experience, how do you think Kosovo’s declaration is playing in the Arab world? As a new, multiethnic, but predominantly Muslim country, should it be of unique interest to them, or do you think many view it as a lesser priority since it’s so far away from their daily concerns?
Ambassador Wisner: Well, I think the latter point is accurately expressed. The Muslim world, the Arab world, is beset with so many different problems that what happens immediately in your neighborhood dominates the local perception.
But Kosovo is not that far from the immediate neighborhood. It is virtually a Mediterranean state. The Balkans and the Middle East have been tied historically. The stability of Europe is important to the Middle East.
It’s time to stand back and look at what’s going on in Kosovo and see it in the broader context of national security and well-being. And I believe there, my Arab friends, who are discerning observers of the international scene, will draw the right conclusions and make a decision on supporting a new state, who suffered communist rule, suffered ethnic repression, and now has a chance to live as a free and democratic people with international cooperation and supervision; to give that all the support that is possible, political, economic, and make certain that Southeastern Europe calms down and evolves into a constructive, positive European whole.
America.gov: Critics came out with dire predictions that, should Kosovo declare independence, many other groups with national aspirations would want to use it as a precedent to further redraw the map. Is this “precedent argument” a concern for the Middle East, and, more important, does Kosovo’s independence have a unique message for a future Palestinian state?
Ambassador Wisner: I think that Kosovo is unique -- I know it is! Where else did you have as violent an act of ethnic cleansing? Where else did you have a military intervention on behalf of NATO and the West? Where else did you have the Security Council set out a resolution specifically designed to guide Kosovo? Where else did the U.N. exercise trusteeship rule for nine years? Where else did you have the international community so broadly involved in a final status outcome? I know of no other ethnic or political conflict around the world that has that cluster of facts to the same degree.
Palestine stands out, however, as an issue that cries out for a settlement. Justice, peace, human rights of the people of Palestine, of Israel, all stand to be defined if we’re going to have peace in our world.
I like to think that the positive example of a settlement in Kosovo sends a signal that the world united can make a decision about the fate of an embattled people. And Kosovo is that example, one that needs to be used in a positive way.
I do not believe that there is a signal in Kosovo that will encourage others who don’t already have the aspirations to seek separation from their homeland. That is a matter that the international community has to treat with the greatest reserve and opposition.
America.gov: As Kosovo moves forward, we’re going to continue seeing the role of multilateral diplomacy. You were involved in the “troika” talks, and we’ve recently seen the announcement of a new multilateral support group, as envisioned by the Ahtisaari plan to help matters along. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the U.N., EU, and NATO are all active in Kosovo. What might other multilateral groups such as the Arab League, the G8, or the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), do to support Kosovo?
Ambassador Wisner: A great deal would be a very short answer to your question. But let me be clear. Under the Ahtisaari plan, Kosovo will continue to be a child of international attention. OSCE, NATO and the specific agreement that Ahtisaari -- upon which Kosovo is established -- Ahtisaari’s plan will be in play.
But I think, now, that other international bodies can step forward. The World Bank and the [International Monetary Fund] can play a role in helping Kosovo get launched, rebuild its infrastructure and create the economic linkages that will help not only tie Kosovo to the Balkans, but the Balkans to the rest of Europe. Key role there.
As to the nations of the Middle East and further beyond the OIC, to make a stand on principle to support this new state politically, to support it economically, will be terrifically important responsibilities that these nations and collectivities can take on. And I believe the time is right to play that card.
America.gov: Finally, as members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference meet this week in Dakar, Senegal, how might it consider helping Kosovo get on its feet? More broadly, what kind of support will Kosovo need as it goes forward?
Ambassador Wisner: I would hope that the OIC would look at the Kosovar matter, will find words in its communiqué that welcome this new, largely Muslim state into the broader community. I think the Kosovars are ready for that and want it. That’s a political signal that Kosovo has a home in a larger spiritual community.
But beyond that, I believe there’s an opportunity for nations in the neighborhood, particularly in the Gulf, to be part of an international fund launched by the European Community and World Bank to help rebuild the infrastructure. It’s a good investment in the future; it’s a profitable investment in terms of the eventual economic evolution of Southeastern Europe, and I hope a strong economic signal will accompany a political signal.
America.gov: Ambassador, thank you for joining us today.
Ambassador Wisner: Thank you for having me.
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